Black History Month is a reflection of the political moment, so in what ways can we modernize it?

We are in Black History Month in the Britain, and it seems it’s time for a rethink. Over the years, an observance that started out as a commemorative event of the past, cultural identity and bonds between global Black communities, has adopted a business-like atmosphere, expanding to include functions where African descendants are paid to address white audiences about “unconscious bias” and “allyship”. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests generated a rise in the business of demonstrating racial awareness. But even that moment has passed. The tide has crested, leaving a sort of hollowed out legacy of what raising awareness is for.

The Origins of Black History Observance

Originally observed in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as an observance of African American heritage by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with multiple days of celebration and reflection in the second week of February. Black History Month evolved from this movement and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Today it is observed not only in the North America in the second month, but also in the tenth month in the United Kingdom, Deutschland, Ireland and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

The observance has developed since that time, giving reduced attention to the histories of transatlantic enslavement and struggles for equality, and greater focus on influential individuals of color in politics, culture, and activism, and broadly celebrating the contribution Black people have made to shape the country. It is in learning environments where Black History Month is most commonly celebrated, with talks and cultural events. But the manner the celebration is observed is a manifestation of the contemporary political context. How it develops is a instructive case in how co-option leads to dismantling: the transformation of Black History Month has stymied the objective of it, which is to confront systemic and institutional racism.

A Jarring Moment

Few things illustrate how important it is to reconsider Black History Month as much as the specific period in which it takes place this year. In the Britain, a revitalized conservative movement in the form of the Reform political group is ahead in surveys. In the warmer months we witnessed the largest far-right rally in the history of Britain. Kemi Badenoch, the person of color at the helm of the Conservative party, is a firm opponent of anti-racism activism, and we are in a position where a legislator feels emboldened to declare that a lack of white people in certain urban areas is a source of worry. Meanwhile, far-right parties are surging in Europe as a entirety.

In the United States, a massive attack against DEI and affirmative action has been carried, repeatedly with positive outcomes, to the highest courts of the nation. A drive to scrub Black history and narrative from the records is under way. One of the former president's first executive orders targeted the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the Smithsonian Institution, accusing them of a organized and extensive campaign to alter the country's historical narrative” by portraying America “as naturally discriminatory”.

In this context, the celebration represents how insufficiently it can be effective if it is limited to either routine organizational acknowledgments, or politically neutered commemorations of former accomplishments, rather than confronting the realities of the contemporary world. It also demonstrates how its restricted time span means that it is separated from the wider consistent effort that is needed. A university professor, a professor at a learning establishment, put it best when she expressed apprehension about the temporary “tokenism” of the month. “The difficulty with taking a tokenistic approach”, she wrote, “is that it often means that Black History Month turns into a transient display rather than a agent of progress.”

Reconsidering, Not Discarding

Determining how to adapt, revise and extend efforts for racial equality and recognition in such times of discouragement and concern is a treacherous thing. There is a inclination to just discontinue events including Black History Month completely, thinking they are no longer suitable, or are relics of an period that has been ineffective.

But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and legacy of activism for racial justice – local anti-racism groups, inclusion and equity efforts, and certainly, even commercial engagements – constitute an framework that a lot of work has gone into. It is there not just to decay as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a vital organism.

So what would a new dynamic Black History Month seem? Well, first, it would be extended beyond a brief observance: something that is dispersed through the year (as various establishments are already starting to implement), sections of its curriculum (particularly around prominent figures of color) integrated into educational programs. It would also be a period that does not avoid political issues, and allows opportunity for citizens, particularly youth, to air their fears and experiences. What use is basic knowledge of the bygone era when it fails to address the current situation of far-right rallies in the public spaces? Organizations who observe it should not be pacified with the neutral terminology of implicit prejudice and sensitivity to minor insults, but challenged by the risks that affect everyone if opposition to discrimination is not taken seriously. In short, Black History Month should be made up-to-date, critical, and adaptive. It could be that an entire name rebrand is in order – Black History is Now Month.